Archive | February 2016

The saga of the Gondar regions of Humera, Welkaite Tegede and Telemt extended in to other parts of Ethiopia

More revelations as to how TPLF raised from ordinary banditry and cattle raiders to the pinnacle of power

by Dejenie A. Lakew (PhD)

Yesterday, I was listening an interview ESAT made with a Gondare person from Welkaite Tegede who survived the savage attacks of TPLF and lived in Australia. I will put few of the points he presented during the long interview which you can hear it for your selves.Ethnic cleansing in Gondar, Ethiopia

1. They learned Tigrigna from the people of Tigray and Eritrea who used to come to their places to work on seasonal basis but always went back to Tigray as a means of trade, not as a mother tong, which is Amharic.

2. The relief organization of Tigray run by TPLF which now is the sole Ethnic but financial giant in Ethiopia, accumulated wealth from raiding cattle and taking animals from the people of Welkaite Tegede or collected as punishments from them because of anti TPLF activities of individuals and neighborhoods and selling them for markets in Sudan and in local markets.

3. He outlined the TPLF settlement programs for the people of Tigray to Gondar regions of Humera, Welkaite Tegede and Telemt. TPLF settled several thousands of people of only Tigray origin, who were living in Sudan due to wars and drought, to different parts of Welkaite Tegede, Telemt and Humera and in subsequent years right after it entered Addis Ababa, as a policy, settled people of Tigray in to different parts of the region in batches, with 25 thousand people of each batch. TPLF gave lands of the region to several thousands of members of TPLF fighters who were retired and victims of decades of wars and others as investment. Since then TPLF setteled about 700, 000 to a million people from Tigray to Gondar regions of Welkaite Tegede, Humera and Telemt.

All these settlement programs were financed by the money and resources from Ethiopia, not only offering free lands, but giving them resources as well in order they established very well, which today the natural population of the region are treated second class citizens in all aspects of life, where their language is banned from their lands and forced to learn Tigrigna or leave the places. The person offered anecdotal accounts as to how TPLF started as a bandit to sneak in to their area at around 1980, and first as a necessary measure of future stability to their take away of the lands, they hunted down prominent personalities and elder people and eliminate one by one, by direct killing, ambush in the night and elimination with no traces and terrorizing the people in to submit ion. The story of TPLF and its actions sounded similar to that of Mussolini’s general Graziani, who was known for his savagery and inhumane killings of Ethiopians in order to make them submit to his colonization efforts.

TPLF was massacring the people of Welkaite Tegede in broad day light and gave orders not to take corpses from the places they were massacred and left, and any person who attempted to take and bury them would be executed as well. One time TPLF killed people and left them on the street and two priests were shocked to see that and said, “this is anti God and against the teachings of Jesus, not to be able to burry someone who is dead by any cause “ and buried them and later the two priests were executed by TPLF. The individual presented in several pages of papers, names of hundreds and hundreds of people who were killed, ambushed during darkness and whose whereabouts were not known until. The savage behavior we witnessed from TPLF as a lasting military strategy to take away the lands of Gondar, is that they do not keep people of those areas as prisoners, because they knew that, as long as they live, first they give hopes to the people and keep resisting their take away of their lands and second, they will be the future problems and dangers to them.

4. The last important thing the person mentioned is that TPLF purposely renamed places of local and historical values to Tigrigna names to make sure that no future generation reclaims the area as theirs. It is after these unbelievable crimes of a primitive type, and after TPLF changed the region in to residential places for the Tigray people by force, kicking the people of the region out, that they showed a demonstration of settled people of Tigray, saying, the people of Welkaite Tegede, Humera and Telemt came out and said they are Tigre people and the region is part of Tigray – the TPLF style of truth. The acts of the Tigray TPLF in a primitive style, as being non Ethiopian, but lived as a neighbor making a living by working from neighboring areas, but as a distant enemy and invader is beyond imagination.

This is the microcosm of the evolutionary history of TPLF how it began and continues to live more vigorously and boldly with absolute power of guns, to take anything in Ethiopia, as long as it is needed for their only existence, not being as Ethiopian but as an outsider, which ultimately faces open opposition and revolt to the extent of willing to die and get rid of it. It is an absolute necessity of existence and a belated but social imperative, to all Ethiopians, regardless of regions, religion, age, profession and gender, to be united and remove this cancerous short sighted ethnic animal group from Ethiopia in order Ethiopians live in harmony and happiness ever after in their own country. There is no more death than to fear death but die in abuse and fear continuously.

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N.B. Right after I wrote this article, I heard VOA interviewing elders form Gondar regions of Humera Welkaite Tegede and Telemt and a real Ethiopian from Tigray, the Govener of Tigray teqlay gizat during emperor Haile Selassie, Ras Megesha Seyum. They all said, including Ras Mengesha him slef that there was no time in the history of Ethiopia, that Humera, Welkaite Tegede and Telemt were administered under Tigray, but always and natural part of Begemedir teqlay gizat or now Gondar. These elders of age more than 80 years, who are natives of that region and Ras Mengesha seyum said that, what was true is that Tigray and Gondar lived brotherly as neighbors separated by the Tekeze river as a natural boundary between the two regions.

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Dr. Dejenie A. Lakew is an adjunct professor of mathematics at John Tyler Community College, USA

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Ethiopia: Killings, Detention of Protesters Enter Fourth Month (HRW)

Women mourn during the funeral ceremony

No Let Up in Crackdown on Protests

(HRW Nairobi) – Ethiopian security forces are violently suppressing the largely peaceful protests in the Oromia region that began in November 2015. Almost daily accounts of killings and arbitrary arrests have been reported to Human Rights Watch since 2016 began.

Security forces, including military personnel, have fatally shot scores of demonstrators. Thousands of people have been arrested and remain in detention without charge. While the frequency of protests appears to have decreased in the last few weeks, the crackdown continues.

“Flooding Oromia with federal security forces shows the authorities’ broad disregard for peaceful protest by students, farmers and other dissenters,” said Leslie Lefkow, deputy Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “The government needs to rein in the security forces, free anyone being held wrongfully, and hold accountable soldiers and police who used excessive force.”

The Ethiopian government has said that the situation in Oromia is largely under control following the government’s retraction on January 12 of the proposed “Addis Ababa Integrated Development Master Plan.” The controversial proposal to expand the municipal boundaries of the capital, Addis Ababa, into farmland in Oromia sparked the initial demonstrations.

The plan’s cancellation did not halt the protests however, and the crackdown continued throughout Oromia. In late January 2016, Human Rights Watch interviewed approximately 60 protesters and other witnesses from various parts of the Oromia region in December and January who described human rights violations during the protests, some since mid-January. They said that security forces have shot randomly into crowds, summarily killed people during arrests, carried out mass roundups, and tortured detainees.

While there have been some reports of violence during the protests, including the destruction of some foreign-owned farms and looting of some government buildings, most of the protests since November have been peaceful. On February 12, federal security forces fired on a bus after a wedding, killing four people, provoking further protests. A February 15 clash between federal security forces and armed men believed to be local police or militias, resulted in the deaths of seven security officers, according to the government.

On January 10, security forces threw a grenade at students at Jimma University in western Oromia, injuring dozens, eyewitnesses reported. Multiple witnesses told Human Rights Watch that security forces stormed dormitories at Jimma University on January 10 and 11, with mass arrests and beatings of Oromo students.

Security forces have arrested students, teachers, government officials, businesspeople, opposition politicians, healthcare workers, and people who provide assistance or shelter to fleeing students. Because primary and secondary school students in Oromia were among the first to protest, many of those arrested have been children, under age 18.

Security forces harassing students in Oromia

“They walked into the compound and shot three students at point-blank range,” one 17-year-old student said describing security force reaction to students chanting against the master plan. “They were hit in the face and were dead.”

Human Rights Watch spoke to 20 people who had been detained since the protests began on November 12, none of whom had been taken before a judge. Fourteen people said they were beaten in detention, sometimes severely. Several students said they were hung up by their wrists while they were whipped. An 18-year-old student said he was given electric shocks to his feet. All the students interviewed said that the authorities accused them of mobilizing other students to join the protests. Several women who were detained alleged that security officers sexually assaulted and otherwise mistreated them in detention.

The descriptions fit wider patterns of torture and ill-treatment of detaineesthat Human Rights Watch and other rights groups have documented in Oromia’s many official and secret detention facilities. Numerous witnesses and former detainees said that security forces are using businesses and government buildings in West Shewa and Borana zones as makeshift detention centers.

At time of writing, some schools and universities remain closed throughout Oromia because the authorities have arrested teachers and closed facilities to prevent further protests, or students do not attend as a form of protest or because they fear arrest. Many students said they were released from detention on the condition that they would not appear in public with more than one other individual, and several said they had to sign a document making this commitment as a condition for their release.

Human Rights Watch has not been able to verify the total numbers of people killed and arrested given restrictions on access and independent reporting in Ethiopia. Activists allege that more than 200 people have been killed since November 12, based largely on material collated from social media videos, photos, and web posts. Available information suggests that several thousand people have been arrested, many of whose whereabouts are unknown, which would be a forcible disappearance.

Human Rights Watch has documented 12 additional killings previously unreported. Most of these occurred in Arsi and Borana Zones in southern Oromia, where protests have also been taking place but have received less attention than elsewhere. This suggests that the scale of the protests and abuses across Oromia may be greater than what has been reported, Human Rights Watch said.

The Ethiopian government’s pervasive restrictions on independent civil society groups and media have meant that very little information is coming from affected areas. However, social media contains photos and videos of the protests, particularly from November and December.

The Oromia Media Network (OMN) has played a key role in disseminating information throughout Oromia during the protests. OMN is a diaspora-based television station that relays content, primarily in the Afan Oromo language, via satellite, and recently started broadcasting on shortwave radio. The Ethiopian government has reportedly jammed OMN 15 times since it began operations in 2014, in contravention of international regulations. Two business owners told Human Rights Watch they were arrested for showing OMN in their places of business. Federal police destroyed satellites dishes that were receiving OMN in many locations. Students said they were accused of providing videos for social media and of communicating information to the OMN. Arrests and fear of arrest has resulted in less information on abuses coming out of Oromia over the last month.

The Ethiopian government should end the excessive use of force by the security forces, free everyone detained arbitrarily, and conduct an independent investigation into killings and other security force abuses, Human Rights Watch said. Those responsible for serious rights violations should be appropriately prosecuted and victims of abuses should receive adequate compensation.

On January 21, the European Parliament passed a strong resolutioncondemning the crackdown. There has been no official statement from the United Kingdom, and the United States has not condemned the violence, instead focusing on the need for public consultation and dialogue in twostatements. Otherwise, few governments have publicly raised concerns about the government’s actions. As two of Ethiopia’s most influential partners, the United Kingdom and the United States should be doing more to halt the violent crackdown and to call for an independent investigation into the abuses, Human Rights Watch said.

“Ethiopia’s donor countries have responded tepidly, if at all, to the killing of scores of protesters in Oromia,” Lefkow said. “They should stop ignoring or downplaying this shocking brutality and call on the government to support an independent investigation into the killings and other abuses.”

For additional information and accounts from eyewitnesses and victims, please see below.

Student protests in Oromia began on November 12, 2015, in Ginchi, a small town 80 kilometers southwest of Ethiopia’s capital, Addis Ababa, when authorities sought to clear a forest for an investment project. The protests soon spread throughout the Oromia region and broadened to include concerns over the proposed expansion of the Addis Ababa municipal boundary, known as the “Addis Ababa Integrated Development Master Plan.” Farmers and others joined the protest movement as the protests continued into December.

Many protesters allege that the government’s violent response and the rising death toll changed the focus of the protests to the killing and arrest of protesters and decades of historic Oromo grievances came to the forefront. Oromia is home to most of Ethiopia’s estimated 35 million Oromo, the country’s largest ethnic group. Many Oromo feel marginalized and discriminated against by successive Ethiopian governments. Ethnic Oromo who express dissent are often arrested and tortured or otherwise ill-treated in detention, accused of belonging to the Oromo Liberation Front, which has waged a limited armed struggle against the government and which parliament has designated a terrorist organization.

On December 16, Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn said that the government “will take merciless legitimate action against any force bent on destabilizing the area.” The same day, the government communication affairs office minister, Getachew Reda, said that “an organized and armed terrorist force aiming to create havoc and chaos has begun murdering model farmers, public leaders and other ethnic groups residing in the region.” Since that time, federal security forces, including the army and the federal police, have led the law enforcement response in Oromia.

On January 12, the ruling coalition’s Oromia affiliate, the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO), announced on state television that the “Addis Ababa Master Plan” would be cancelled. While the decision was an unprecedented change of policy, people Human Rights Watch interviewed suggest that there has been confusion over the actual status of the plan and whether government will follow through with the cancellation.

After the Addis Ababa master plan had originally been announced in 2014, protests occurred throughout Oromia, which security forces dispersed using live ammunition, killing at least several dozen people. Hundreds were arrested. Many of the arrested remain in custody without charge. Most of the approximately 25 students that Human Rights Watch interviewed from the 2014 protests who had been detained alleged torture and other ill-treatment. Many formerly detained students have not been permitted to return to their universities. On December 2, 2015, five Oromo students were convicted under the counterterrorism law for their role in the 2014 protests. There has been no government investigation into the use of excessive and lethal force during the 2014 protests.

Summary Killings, Unnecessary Lethal Force
In the early weeks of the 2015 protests, security forces who responded to the demonstrations were largely Oromia regional police, who used teargas against protesters, although with some incidents involving live ammunition. Many of the killings initially reported occurred after dark when security forces went house-to-house searching for protesters. They killed some students who tried to flee and others in scuffles during arrests, while the exact circumstances of many deaths are unknown.

Under international human rights standards, law enforcement officials may only use lethal force in self-defense or to prevent an imminent threat to another’s life.

After a December 16 announcement by the prime minister that the government would “take merciless legitimate action against any force bent on destabilizing the area,” witnesses said federal police and military forces were deployed in more parts of Oromia alongside the regional police. Many protesters alleged that the federal police and soldiers fired into crowds.

Wako – a 17-year-old protester from West Shewa whose name, along with others, has been changed for his protection, described the change:

During the first protest [in mid-November], the Oromia police tried to convince us to go home. We refused so they broke it up with teargas and arrested many. Several days later we had another protest. This time the [federal police] had arrived. They fired many bullets into the air. When people did not disperse they fired teargas, and then in the confusion we heard the sounds of more bullets and students started falling next to me. My friend [name withheld] was killed by a bullet. He wasn’t targeted, they were just shooting randomly into the crowd.

Gudina, a 16-year-old Grade 10 student from Arsi Negelle, described the authorities’ response to a protest in early December:

All the schools got together and took to the streets. As we protested, teargas was thrown, we kept marching and then from behind us we heard bullets, many students were hit and fell screaming. One very young student from my school I saw had been shot in throat and blood was pouring. I have dreams every night of that student.

Protesters from Arsi, West Shewa, Borana, and East Wollega zones all described similar events in which security forces, predominantly federal police, shot into crowds with live ammunition, especially since mid-December. They gave little or no warning about using teargas and live ammunition.

Three high school students from Arsi who were interviewed separately described an incident at their school. Kuma, a 17-year-old student, said:

We heard a Grade 6 student was killed in [neighboring village]. To show our solidarity we decided to protest. When the different classes came together and started marching toward the government office, security forces moved toward us. They threw teargas, and then we heard the sound of gunfire. My friend [name withheld] was shot in the chest, I saw him go down and bleeding. We ran away and I never looked back. His mother told me later he had been killed. He was 17 years old.

Security forces entered a school compound near Shashemene apparently to discourage their participation in a planned protest. Gameda, a 17-year-old Grade 9 student, said:

We had planned to protest. At 8 a.m., Oromia police came into the school compound. They arrested four students [from Grades 9-11], the rest of us were angry and started chanting against the police. Somebody threw a stone at the police and they quickly left and came back an hour later with the federal police. They walked into the compound and shot three students at point-blank range. They were hit in the face and were dead. They took the bodies away. They held us in our classrooms for the rest of the morning, and then at noon they came in and took about 20 of us including me.

Arbitrary Arrests, Detention
Several dozen people told Human Rights Watch about friends and colleagues who had been arrested without a valid basis, including many whose whereabouts remain unknown. Fifteen protesters from various parts of Oromia described their own arrests. Usually in the evening following a daytime protest, security forces would go door-to-door arresting students, including many who had not participated, including an 8-year-old in the Borana zone on January 9. They primarily targeted men and boys, but many women and girls were also arrested. Those arrested were taken to police stations, military barracks, and makeshift detention centers.

Kuma, a Grade 7 student from Borana zone, was arrested in early December, held for five days in an unknown location, and beaten with a wooden stick:

They said to me “Why were you in the demonstration? This means you do not like the government. Why? We do good for you.” Then they kept saying we had relations with the OLF [Oromo Liberation Front, which the government considers to be a terrorist group]. What does demonstrating have to do with the OLF? I was released after signing a paper that I would not go in public with more than one person. Many people in our town were released after signing this paper. Several days later there was another protest, I didn’t go, but knew I would be arrested again. I sat at home hearing gunshots all day long hoping I didn’t know any of those that would be killed.

Gameda, a Grade 7 student, said he was arrested at his school compound on the day of a planned protest:

For 10 days I was held at the police station. For the first three days, they would beat me each night on the back and legs with a wooden stick and ask me about who was behind the protests and whether I was a member of the OLF. I was released and several weeks later the protests started again in our town. They arrested me again. Same beatings, same questions. My family bribed the police and I was released.

The authorities have imposed collective punishment on people deemed to have been helping protesters. Lelisa, a woman who assisted students fleeing the security forces in Arsi in early December, said:

I wasn’t at the protests but I heard gunfire all day long and into the night. Students were running away and hiding themselves. Ten students came to me and asked for help so I hid them from the police. The police were going door-to-door at night arresting students. They came to my house, arrested all the boys and I convinced them that the three girls were my daughters. Then an hour later they came back and arrested my husband. They beat him in front of me, when I begged them not to kill him they kicked me and hit me with the butt of their gun. They took him away. I have heard nothing from him since.

Negasu, an owner of a private school, said he was arrested because students at his school were involved in the protest:

I owned a private school in [location withheld]. The students protested but the police did not break it up violently, they just filmed it and then arrested many people at night. Four of the protesters were from my school. So the police came at night and arrested me and took me to a military camp [name withheld]. For five days I was held in a dark hole by myself. It was freezing and they did not feed me for two days. I was beaten each night and accused of giving money to opposition groups, to the Oromo Federalist Congress and to OLF. They also accused me of posting videos to social media and sending to OMN. They just make things up. They closed my school and froze my bank account. They took my house also. Now I have nothing and the students are either going through what I did in detention or are not able to go to school because it’s been closed.

Students who were perceived to be vocal or had family histories of opposing government were particularly at risk. Lencho, 25, said:

I was known to be vocal and was a leader among the students. My father was known to oppose the government. I did not even participate in the protests because of fear but I was identified as one of the mobilizers. I was arrested, and when I got to the police station I saw local government officials, a local Oromo artist [singer], my teacher, and all of the outspoken students of our high school. They were arresting those that they thought were influential. I don’t even think any of them were in the protests because of fear.

Prominent Oromo intellectuals, including senior members of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), a registered political party, have also been arrested. On December 23, Deputy Chairman Bekele Gerba was arrested at his home and taken to Addis Ababa’s Maekelawi prison, where torture and other ill-treatment have been documented. On January 22, he appeared in court, and prosecutors were granted an additional 28 days for investigation, suggesting he is being investigated under the abusive Anti-Terrorism Proclamation. Bekele has been a moderate voice in Oromia politics and a staunch advocate for non-violence.

In addition to those perceived to be actively involved in the protests, security forces have arrested influential people, including prominent Oromo businessman, teachers, professors, and numerous singers and artists. One teacher said:

The students protested. At night they came and arrested many of them, my students were calling me all night to tell me the police were at their door. Then I heard that most of the teachers had been arrested, too. I was away from town at the time. Then the woreda[district] administrator called and told me I was to be held responsible for my student’s behavior since I did not talk them out of it. I had already been in trouble because I did not attend a workshop at the school on the master plan and how we were to convince students it was good for them.

A well-known Oromo singer, now living in exile, said:

I released a song on Youtube [in December] that spoke about the protests and the need for students to stop the silence and speak out about the abuses our people face. I had been arrested three times previously for my songs. My songs have always focused on Oromo history and culture but I was always careful for the songs not to be seen as political in any way. But they arrest you anyway. After my third detention, I stopped censoring myself and spoke openly through my music. Hours after my song was released, I got word from the local administrator that I was to be arrested so I ran away from my home and haven’t been back.

An Ethiopian intelligence official acknowledged to Human Rights Watch in January 2016 that targeting public figures was a deliberate government policy. “It is important to target respected Oromos,” he said. “Anyone that has the ability to mobilize Oromos will be targeted, from the highest level like Bekele, to teachers, respected students, and Oromo artists.”

Human Rights Watch also interviewed a number of students who had been detained during the 2014 protests, eventually released, and then were arrested again as soon as the protests began in November 2015. Some described horrendous treatment in detention. Waysira, a then-second year university student, said:

[In 2014] I was arrested for two weeks. I was stripped to my underwear and beaten with sticks. They applied electric wires to my back. They wanted me to admit being OLF and to say where my brother was – who they suspect was OLF. Eventually they released me. I wasn’t allowed to go back to school, so I have been sitting around doing nothing ever since. I went back to my family’s village. When the protests started again in Oromia, they came to my house and arrested me again. There hadn’t been protests in that area, but there were on the campus I had been suspended from. They accused me of mobilizing students, and beat me for two days. Then I was released. They wanted to target anyone they thought might be thinking of protesting.

Torture, Ill-Treatment in Detention
All of the students interviewed who had been detained said the authorities interrogated them about who was behind the protests and about their family history. They said interrogators accused them of having connections to opposition groups – typically the legally registered Oromo Federalist Congress and the banned Oromo Liberation Front. Interrogators accused some students of providing information to diaspora or international media and a number of students said their phones, Facebook accounts, and email accounts were searched during detention. These descriptions of interrogation match patterns Human Rights Watch has documented in Oromia over several years.

Tolessa, a first-year university student from Adama University, said:

It was the evening after the protest. We were recovering from the teargas and trying to find out who had been shot during the protest. Then the security forces stormed the dormitories. They blindfolded 17 of us from my floor and drove us two hours into the countryside. We were put into an unfinished building for nine days. Each night they would take us out one by one, beat us with sticks and whips, and ask us about who was behind the protests and whether we were members of the OLF. I told them I don’t even know who the OLF are but treating students this way will drive people toward the OLF. They beat me very badly for that. We would hear screams all night long. When I went to the bathroom, I saw students being hung by their wrists from the ceiling and being whipped. There was over a hundred students I saw. The interrogators were not from our area. We had to speak Amharic [the national language]. If we spoke Oromo they would get angry and beat us more.

Meti, in her 20s, was arrested in late December for selling traditional Oromo clothes the day after a protest in East Wollega:

I was arrested and spent one week at the police station. Each night they pulled me out and beat me with a dry stick and rubber whip. Then I was taken to [location withheld]. I was kept in solitary confinement. On three separate occasions I was forced to take off my clothes and parade in front of the officers while I was questioned about my link with the OLF. They threatened to kill me unless I confessed to being involved with organizing the protests. I was asked why I was selling Oromo clothes and jewelry. They told me my business symbolizes pride in being Oromo and that is why people are coming out [to protest]. At first I was by myself in a dark cell, but then I was with all the other girls that had been arrested during the protest.

A 22-year-old woman told Human Rights Watch she was arrested the night of a protest in late December and taken to what she described as a military camp in the Borana zone. She was held in solitary confinement in total darkness. She said she was raped on three occasions in her cell by unidentified men during her two-week detention. On each occasion, she believed there were two men involved. She was frequently pulled out of her cell and interrogated about her involvement in the protests and the whereabouts of her two brothers, who the interrogators suggested were mobilizing students. She was released on the condition that she would bring her two brothers to security officials for questioning.

Right to Health, Education
The authorities have targeted health workers for arrest during the protests, and as a result some wounded protesters have been unable to get treatment. Demiksa, a student from Eastern Wollega, said that he was refused medical treatment in late December for his injured arm and face after he was pushed to the ground in a panic when Oromia regional police fired teargas at protesters: “[The health workers] said they couldn’t treat me. The day before security forces had arrested two of their colleagues because they were treating protesters. They were accused of providing health care to the opposition.”

Health workers said security forces harassed them and arrested some of their colleagues because they posted photos on social media showing their arms crossed in what has become a symbol of the protest movement. A health worker in East Wollega said he had been forced at gunpoint to treat a police officer’s minor injuries while student protesters with bullet wounds were left unattended. The health worker said at least one of those students died from his injuries that evening.

Many students said the local government closed schools to prevent students from mobilizing, or because teachers had been arrested. Some students said they were afraid to go to class or were refusing to go to school as a form of protest against the government. Four students who had been detained said that security officials told them that they would not be allowed to return to their university. A Grade 6 student who said she had the highest marks in her class the previous year said that the principal told her she would not be allowed to go back to school because she attended the protests. As a result, she decided to flee Ethiopia.

Human Rights Watch previously documented cases of students who were suspended after they participated in the 2014 protests, a pattern that is also emerging in the aftermath of the current protests.

Ethiopia famine: Time is running out says ‘Save the Children”

 

Ethiopia famine 2016

Save the Children has warned that time is running out for the international community to save thousands of people from starvation in Ethiopia, as the Horn of Africa nation suffers its worst drought since the 1960s.

The two-year-long drought, worsened by the El-Nino weather pattern, has destroyed crops and livestock in Ethiopia and Somalia. Rights activist, Joachim Rahmann, of Save the Children describes the situation as “already at a magnitude where ten million people are directly dependent on food aid.

“It is not only in Ethiopia, a similar situation is unfolding in the northern regions of Somalia. Right now, we face one of the largest food insecurity crises that the region has experienced for over 50 years. What we observe is that the situation will likely get worse over the next half a year.

“Some regions have already been without rain for over two years. And until the next major rainfalls are expected in summer, the number of people directly dependent on food aid will actually increase and we are at ten million right now already.

Deutsche Welle asked Mr Rahmann about the most vulnerable of the victims, to which he responded: “Children are absolutely the most vulnerable and it is not just the situation of food aid that makes the situation for children so bad. Children are already suffering from what we call severe acute malnutrition. 400,000 children are affected by that. But the situation also bears further risks for child protection. People are leaving their regions where there used to be pasture, children are not being sent to school anymore because of the severe malnutrition – they simply cannot focus.

“Some schools have already closed. We expect that 2.5 million children will drop out of school. This is a crisis of food insecurity that is also a much larger humanitarian crisis for children.

“Compared to the famines in the past, this is a famine of huge magnitude. It is probably the biggest in the past 50 years simply when we look at the environmental dimension of the famine. But when we look now, the political systems are in place, this is a different situation than we have experienced in the past.

“Over the last decade, Ethiopia has made huge economic gains. Child mortality has been reduced by two thirds. There were systems in place and there still are systems in place from the Ethiopian side to tackle food insecurity. There are regularly around eight million people in cash for work programs to address people’s food insecurity needs during the lean season. But the situation is so huge that the Ethiopian government cannot cope with it by itself. The Ethiopian government has already committed around 370 million dollars (330 million euros) to the crisis.

“The country is living up to the expectations. But the crisis is so large that the international community has to step in and it would be unforgivable in a situation where the magnitude is large and where the government itself is already living up to it, where the systems are in place, where people can be reached, to not get assistance from the international community.

“From the situation where we are right now, we can say that organizations like Save the Children are already present on the ground, they are supplying direct food aid, and they are addressing children’s child protection needs. But the international appeal of which Save the Children is part of goes up to 1.4 billion. This is the scale of the crisis we are talking about.

“And if we compare it internationally, Save the Children only labels two crises right now as category one which is the Syria crisis and the Ethiopia crisis. But for the Ethiopia crisis only half of the funds needed to address the most immediate needs have been committed. And we only have a time window of three weeks to commit these funds to not risk people dying.

“If the time window is not met, the food supply chain cannot be maintained. It takes time to procure food in the magnitude that is needed to supply to people, when ten million people are already food insecure. It is the size of the population of some European countries! And that is in direct need of food aid. That takes time. The next rains are only expected in summer. So the next three weeks are crucial to live up to these expectations.”

Source: African Voice

ብርሃኑ እንደ ቸርችል- እኛ እንደ እንግሊዞች (ነጋ አባተ- ከእስራኤል)

ነጋ አባተ- ከእስራኤል

ሰሞኑን ዶ/ር ብርሃኑ እንድ ግራምጣ የሚሰነጣጠቅ ሁሉም የየራሱን ጫፍ ነክሶ የሚያልመዘምዘው ንግግር በታዳሚያቸው ጆሮዎች  ማዕዛው እንደሚናፈቀው የሃገሬ ጠጅ አንቆርቁረውታል ለስለስ ሸከር፤ ጣፈጥ መረር የሚል ቅኝት ግን ነበረው። የወደደውም ያልወደደውም ፈቅዶም ይሁን ተገዶ ብቻ ከሁሉም አቅጣጫ ታዳሚም አድማጭም ነበራቸው። በፈቃዱ የታደመው በጋለ ናፍቆት ሲጠባበቅ ሌላው ደግሞ ምን ሊል ነው በሚል የግዳጅ ቅምጫ ሬት ሬት እያለውና እየጎመዘዘው ማወራረዱ አልቀረም ሁሉም ግን እንደ አመጣጡ ታድሟል። አቤት ያንተ ያለህ! ስንቶቹ ደም ስሮች ተበጣጥሰዋል? ስንቶቹስ ዘና ለቀቅ ብለው ይሆን? እሱን አንድዬ ይመርምረው በእርሱ ስራ ማን ይገባል?። ንግግሩ ግን ከሁሉም አቅጣጫ ቸል የሚባል አልነበረም ይልቁንስ የሚጠበቅና ቀልብን የሚገዛ ለመሆኑ የግልብጥ ለመናገር መንገድ የለም።Professor Berhanu Nega our Muse

የዶ/ሩን ንግግር በአንክሮ አድምጫለሁ። “ያገሬ ሰው ሆይ ስማኝ” የሚል ቃና ያለው ጥሪያቸው እኔን እንደ አድማጭ አዕምሮዬን  በፍጥነት መጭ በል ብሎ ያሰገረው አንድ ወቅት ዊኒስተን ቸርችል /House of commons, London, 13 may 1940/ ወደ አደረጉት ንግግር ነበር። ሁለቱም  የመልዕክታቸው ይዘት የሃገር አድን ነጋሪት ጉሸማ አለበት ንግግሮቹ የጭንቅ ወቅት ጣሮች ናቸውና። እናም ነገሩ ግጥምጥም አለብኝና ሁለቱንም የጭንቅ ቀን ሰዎች ለንፅፅር ይሆኑኝ ዘንድ  በጽሑፌ  አትሮን ጎን ለጎን አቆምኳቸው። “ጀግናን ጊዜ ይወልደዋል” አይደል የሚባለው? አንዳንድ ጊዜ ሃገር በምጥ ውስጥ ስትሆን ህዝብ ወለሌ ሲል ድንገት ቡልቅ የሚሉ እንደ ፈረሰኛ ውኃ ደራሽ ፊታውራሪዎች በትውልድ መካከል ሲቆሙ ማየት የተለመደ ነው።

መጽሓፈ ምሳሌ እንዲህ ይላል “ጻድቃን ሲነግሱ ከተማ ትደሰታለች ኃጥኣን ሲነግሱ ህዝብ ያለቅሳል።” ህዝብ ሲያለቅስ ኑሮ ይኮመጥጣል፤ ጢሶች ከየጎጆው ይታጎላሉ፤ እንስሳትና አዕዋፋት ይሸበራሉ፤ አየሩ ሃዘን ያቁታል፤ ነፋሳት ትንቢትንና ምልኪን ያዝላሉ፤ ደመናት በቀለማትና በምስል ይዥጎረጎራሉ። ፍጥረት መፍትሄ ፍለጋን ያንጋጥጣል። ሃገር ኧረ የሰው ያለህ፤ ህዝብ የጀግና ያለህ በሚል የህብር ሙሾ ሰቆቃዎ አዳም -ወሄዋንን ይቀኛሉ። አይቀሬው ዕውነት ግን የሃገር ምጥና የህዝብ ጩኽት አብነትን በመውለድ ይገላገላሉ።  ጀግናን ያፈልቃሉ!።

ቸርችል የተናገሩበት ወቅት እንግሊዝ ትላንት የነበረ ገናናነቷን አፈር ላይ የሚደባልቅ፤ ሰር ; ሎርድ የተሰኘን ማንነትን የሚንድ የሚንንቀጠቀጡለትን ክብራቸውን የሚፈረካክስ ጊዜ ነበር። መላዋ እንግሊዝም የጀግና ያለህ፤ የወንድ ያለህ እያለች የምትዋልልበት ወቅት ነበር። ጊዜው ለእንግሊዞች የጨለማው ድንዳኔ የበረታበት፤ ነገ ምን ዓይነት እንግሊዝ  እንደምትኖራቸው እርግጠኛ ያልሆኑበት የግራ መጋባት ዘመን ነበር። እናም ቸርቸል እንዲህ አሉ “Hitler knows that he will have to break us in this island or lose war”. በንግግራቸው ውስጥ ማዕበል እንዳለ እናስተውላለን።

አዎ እኛም የጭንቅ ወቅት ላይ ነን የገጠመን ፈተናና የተገዳደሩን የዲያብሎስ ሰራዊቶች እንዲህ ቀላል የሚባሉ ዓይነት አይደሉም። ጠልቀን ካልቆፈርን የቸከሉብን የጥላ-ወጊ ሟርትም የሚያላውሰን አልሆነም። የኛው ብርሃኑ እንዳሉት “ትንሽ ቢገፉት ይወድቃል” የሚባል ዓይነት አይደለም። እናም ሃገር የጀግና ያለህ፤ ህዝብ የወንድ ያለህ እያሉ ያሉበት የጭንቅ ወቅት መሆናችንን ልብ ልንል ይገባል። ብርሃኑ ከቸርችል ጋር በሚሞካሽ ንግግራቸው ይህንን የጋራ ጭንቅ ሲገልጡት “ የጊዜው አንገብጋቢ ጥያቄ ነገ የምንምኛት፤ ኢትዮጵያ የምትሰኝ ሃገር ትኖረናለች ወይስ አትኖረንም?  የሚል ነው” አዎ የህዝብ ጭንቀት ይህ ነው። ከብርሃኑም ውስጥ ከደማቸው ነጥቦ የወጣ የምጥ ንግግር ነው።

ቸርችል ሃገራቸው የገጠማትን የመኖር ወይም ያለመኖር የህልውና ጥያቄ እሳቸው ብቻቸውን እንደማይፈቱት የመላውን እንግሊዛውያን የጋራ ርብርብ እንደሚጠይቅ አበክረው ሲገልጡም  “ምናልባትም ለታላቁ የውድቀታችን ግስጋሴ የሚመጥን ንግግር አላደረግሁም ይሆናል ስለዚሀም ሁላችሁን ይቅርታ እጠይቃለሁ ነገር ግን ይህን ወቅት ልብ ብለን ካስተዋልን አንድችን ላንዳችን አቃቂር የምናወጣበት፤ በግልምጫ የምንገፋፋበት ሳይሆን እጅ ለጅ ተያይዘን አባቶቻቸን በአደራ ላስርከቡን ትልቅ ሃገር ከውርደት ለማዳን በትውልዳችን ፊት ለተጋረጠው ፈተና መልስ የምንሰጥበት ወቅት ላይ እንገኛለን። እናም የወትሮ ወዳጆቼም ሆናችሁ አዳዲስ ጓደኞቼ፤ በፖለቲካችን ሰጣ ገባ የተጎዳችሁ ያዘናችሁ የሃገሬ ልጆች ሁላችሁም ሃገራችንን ከጭንቅ ለማውጣት በአንድ ላይ ተነሱ” ሲሉ ጥሪ አቀረቡ።

የእኛው ዶ/ር ብርሃኑም የሲቪክ ማህበራትን፤ ልዩ ልዩ ብሄረሰቦችንና ምሁራንን በጥልቅና በዕውነተኝነት ስሜት የዕንያያዝን ጥሪ አቅርበዋል። ሲቀጥሉም “ምናልባትም በአርበኞች ግንቦት ሰባት የማትደሰቱ ብትኖሩ እንኳን ወደ የፈለጋችሁት የትግል አቅጣጫ ተሰማሩና ተያይዘን ሃገራችንን ከገባችበት አሮንቃ እናውጣት። ዳር ወጥተንና እጃችንን አጣምረን የምንቆምበት ጊዜ አይደለም።” የሚል የህሊናን ሚዛን ሲጢጥ የሚያሰኝ እርሳቸውም እንደቸርችል ጥሪ አቅርበዋል።

ቸርችል ሲቀጥሉም “ለዚህች ሃገር የምከፍለው ምንም ነገር ባይኖረኝ እንኳን ልከፍለው የምችለው ግን ደም፤ ብርቱ ድካምና ልፋት፤ እንባ እና ላብ አለኝ ይህንን ለማቅረብ ደግሞ ተዘጋጅቻለሁ።”  ሰውየው በዚህ ንግግራቸው እንግሊዛውያንን ምክኒያተ-ቢስ አደረጓቸው ገንዘብ ባይኖርህ ደም አለህ፤ ዕውቀት ባይኖርህ ላብ አለህ በማለት።ዶ/ር ብርሃኑም “ደም ለመክፈል እንዲሁም ነጭ ሱፋችንን አውልቀን ለላብና ለጭቃ የሚመጥኑ ቀላል ልብሶችን ለመልበስ እንዘጋጅ ብለዋል።” እርሳቸውም ግንባር ቀደም በመሆን ከወርዱበት የኤርትራ በርሃም ምንም ነገር ሊነጥላቸው እንደማይችል ዕቅጩን ነግረውናል።

ልክ እንደ ቸርቸል ሁሉ ታሪካዊ አድርገን ልንወስደው በሚገባ በዚሁ በዶ/ር ብርሃኑ ንግግር ውስጥ የሁላችንንም ትኩረት የሚሻ ሌላኛውን ነጥብ አስቀጠሉ አልሞ ስለመደቆስ!፤ ጠልቆ ስለማሰብ!። ነጮቹ (Critical thinking) ስለሚሉት  ዶ/ሩ ደጋግመው ነው የተናገሩት። ይህ ደግሞ ለእኛ እጅግ አስፈላጊ እና አንገብጋቢ ጉዳይ ለመሆኑ ሁለት ሶስት ጊዜ ማሰብ የማይጠይቀን ግን ደግሞ ስለሌለን ስለዚህ ድንቅ ንጥረ -ነገር ትኩረት መስጠት እንዳለብን ከጠለቀው መረዳታቸው አካፍለውናል በተጨማሪም ከስሜት የጸዳን እንድንሆንና ከዚያ ይልቅ የምስጢረ – ሃሳብ ፈልፋዮችና የተመስጥዖ ሰዎች (Critical thinkers ) መሆን እንዳለብን ደግመው ደጋግመው ነግረውናል። ስለ ተመስጦአዊ- እሳቤ አበው በእራፊ ስንኝ ሲሸበልሏት እንዲህ አሉ።

ወትሮ ነበር እንጅ አልሞ መደቆስ፤

አሁን ምን ያደርጋል ወጭት ጥዶ ማልቀስ።

ከድርጊት በፊት ጠልቆ ማሰብን የምትጠይቅ ስንኝ ናት!።

ሃገር በስሜት አትገነባም፤ በሆታና በጩኽትም ከጥልቁ በክፋት ሰልጥነው የመጡትን ሰው መሰል ጭራቆችን ማባረር አይቻልም። ለተጠበበ መሰሪነት የሚመጥን ስራ ሰርተን መገኘት ይጠበቅብናል። ይህን ስል የሃሳብ ልቀት እንጅ የክፋት ጥልቀት አያስፈልገንም ጉዞአችን እነርሱን ተከቶና መስሎ ለመቀጠል አይደለምና!። የሄዱበትን መንገድ መከተል አያሻንም ምንጩ ሴዖል ነው ያ ደግሞ የሰውን ልጅ ለማሰቃየት የተፈጠረ የጥፋት ባህር ነውና አይጠቅመንም። በሌላኛው ጫፍ ላይ ሆኖ ግን የረቀቁ ሃሳቦችን፤ የፈረጠሙ ጡንቻዎችን የመገንባቱ ሂደት በትኩረት ሊሰራበት የሚገባ ዓቢይ ጉዳይ ነው።

ተመስጦአዊ -እሳቤ (Critical Thinking) በተመረጡ ሃሳቦቻችንና እቅዶቻችን ውስጥ ያሉ የስነ-አመክንዬ ህብለ ተያያዥነት እንድናስተውል ይረዳናል። በግምጋሜያቸን ጊዜ የነጠሩ ክርክሮችን ብልት እንድንለይ፤ ምኑን ከየትኛው ጋር ገጣጥመን እንደምንገነባው እና ዕቅዶቻችን በተክታታይነት መፍሰስ እንዳይችሉ ያደረጋቸውን ዘጊ ቆሻሻዎች ለማስዎገድም በዚህ ምክኒያትም የሚከሰቱ ተደጋጋሚ ስህተቶችን ለይቶ ለማወቅ አቅም ይሰጠናል።

አዎ ይህንን የሚወልዱ በተመሰጥዖ የሚያስቡ (Critical Thinkers) ለትግላችን ዳር መድረስ በጅጉ ያስፈልጉናል። ሩቁን የሚያቀርቡ፤ ደካማውን የሚያበረቱ፤ ጠማማውን የሚያቀኑና ተራራውን ሜዳ ሊያደርግ የሚችል የነጠረ ሃሳብ ያላቸው ሃገር ገንቢ፤ የማህረሰብ አናጺዎችን በመብራት የመፈለጉ ጊዜ አሁን ነው። እርግጥ ነው እነዚህን ሰዎች መድረክ ላይ ተፍ ተፍ ሲሉ አናገኛቸው ይሆናል፤ በሰልፉ ፊተኛው ረድፍ ላናያቸው እንችላለን እንደዚህ ዓይነት ሰዎች የአደባባይ ስዎችም ላይሆኑ ይችላሉ ጭዋታቸው ከሂሳባቸው ጋር ነው። በንጉስ ዳዊት ዘመን ስሙ አኪጦፌል የተባለ ሰው ነበር መጽሓፍ ስለዚህ ሰው ሲናገር “ምክሩ እንደ እግዚአብሄር ምክር ነበረች” ይለዋል እነዚህ ሰዎች ዋና ትርፋቸው ከኋላ ሆነው የተመረጡና የደቀቁ ሃሳቦችን የመምራት ክህሎት ላላቸው ማቅረብ ነው። ሁላችንም በሁሉ ነገር ላይ እኩል ዕውቀት የለንም ወይም ሁሉን አናውቅም። የአርበኞች ግንቦት ሰባት ወገኖቼ ከወንድማችን ብርሃኑ ዕምነት ጋር ተጣምረው ከጥሪው ባሻገር ብዙ ርቀትን ተጉዘው እነዚህን ዓይነት  ሰዎች የመፈላለጉን ጉዳይ ትግሉ ከሚጠይቃችው ግብዓቶች እንደ አንዱ በመውሰድ ሊተጉ ይገባል ብዬ አምናለሁ።

ለእኔ ጋሽ መስፍን (ፕሮፌሰር መስፍን ወልደማርያም) በዘመናቸን ልናያቸው ከሚገቡን የተመስጥዖ-እሳቤ ባለቤቶች አንዱ ነው ብዬ አምናለሁ። ችግሩ እንደርሱ ዓይነት ሰዎች ያጠለቁት መነጽርና አብዛኞቻችን ያጠለቅናችው ለየቅል መሆናቸው ነው። ጋሽ መስፍን በዘመኑ ” አረ ሃገር ገደል ገባች” ሲል “አብደሃል” ፤ “የለም የለም”  ሲላቸው “ጨለምተኛ” እያሉት  ሃገር  በህሊና ዕውራን እየተመራች ገደል አፋፍ፟ ላይ ስትደርስ ፤ ሰው እያለ እንደሌለ ሃገር በእኛ ዘመን ነገር አለሟ ሲያከትም ማየት እንደርሱ ዓይነት ሰዎችን እንዴት አያበሳጭ?። አሁንም እንዲህ ዓይነት ሰዎችን የቱንም ያክል ርቀት ተጉዘን ልናቀርባቸው ይገባል።

ሰዎች ወደ ተመስጦ – እሳቤ ልክ ሲደርሱ ያጠለቁት መነጽር ነገሮችን ከግል ጥቅማቸው አንጻር እንዲመለከቱ አይፈቅድላቸውም። የተመስጦ – እሳቤ ባለቤት ለመሆንም  የግድ በታላላቅ የትምህርት ተቋማት ማለፍ ብቻም አይደለም ሰው ሆኖ መገኘት እንጅ!። እርግጥ ልሂቅ ማን ነው ? የሚለውም ገና የሚያከራክረን የቤት ስራችን ነው። በአንድ ከፍተኛ ተቋም ውስጥ አልፎ ከሆዱ በቀር ሌላ ነገርን አሻግሮ ማየት ካልቻለ ለኔ እንዲህ ዓይነት ሰው የሰለጠነ እንስሣ ነው። ለእንዲህ ዓይነት ሰው ባህል፤ ቋንቋ ፤ ማንነት  ማለት ምንም ማለት አይደሉም። ሆዱ ካልጎደለ በቀር ምንም ነገር ቢገላበጥ ግድ አይሰጠውም። ነገን ማየት አይሆንለትም ከእንስሣ አቅም በላይ የሆነን ነገር ማሰብ ያቅተዋል እናም እንደ አህያዋ ” እኔ ከሞትኩ ሰርዶ አይብቀል”ን ነጠላ ዜማ እያዜመ ኖረ ሞተ ይሆናል የእርሱ ነገር።

ጽሁፌን ሳጠቃልል ለአርበኞች ግንቦት ሰባትም ሆነ ለእኛ ያለኝን ሃሳብ እንደ ዜጋ በመሰንዘር ነው። ለድርጀቱ መሪዎች የምለው የድርጅቱ ጥንካሬ የሚለካው በየደረጃው ያሉ መዋቅሮቹ በተገቢው መሰረት ላይ ሲመሰረቱ ብቻ ነው እናም በየጊዜው ሳይደክሙና ሳይታከቱ መዋቅሮቹን መፈተሽ፤ ዕውቀት ነዳጅ ነውና  ወደ ሚፈለገው ድል ለመድረስም ሆነ ከድል በኋላ ለሚኖረው አስቸጋሪ ስራ አባላቱ በስነ-ምግባር  የታነጹ እንዲሆኑ አስፈላጊውን ትምህርት አቅሙ ባላቸው ሰዎች እንዲሰጡ ማድረግ ጋንገስተሮችን እንዳንፈለፍል ፤ ምክርና ሃሳብ ከየትም አቅጣጫ ይምጣ ያለመናቅ ማስተናገድን መልመድ። ለእኛ አድማጮች እንግሊዞች ቸርችልን እንዳገኙ እኛ ደግሞ ብርሃኑን እንደተቀበልን ይታየኛል። የመሪ ያለህ ብለን እንደጮህን ከስጦታችን ጋር መፍሰሰ ደገሞ የእኛን አስተዋይነት ይጠይቃል። ጩኽታቸው ወደ ጸባዖት ደርሶ ሙሴን የተቀበሉ እስራኤላውያን በሙሴ ላይ ደንጋይ ሊወረውሩ እንደተነሱ የማይሆን ነገርን በመወረወር የመከራ ጊዜአችንን አናስረዝም። እንግሊዞች ቸርችልን ለጊዜው የሚያስፈልግ ትክክለኛው ሰው እንደተቀበሉት እኛም የእኛውን ብርሃኑን እንዲህ ብለን እንቀበለው። ሰልፍ የጀግና ነው ድል ግን የግዚአብሄር ነው። በቸር ስንብቱልኝ።

A Call to: President Obama, Major G20 Member Countries and United Nations (UN)

Real Socio-Political Crisis Is Looming In East Africa, Ethiopia

A Call to: President Obama, Major G20 Member Countries and United Nations (UN) It is true that Ethiopia in the past, had entertained different kinds of regimes that ranges from feudalistic to semi feudalistic, from semi feudalistic to the very long imperial rules of different kind of Kings and King of Kings, and subsequently the takeover of the military regime called itself Derg in 1974 to May 1991, in which all of them were undemocratic that had ruled the nation by the use of forces. I.e. most apparently, in that medieval era, the then leaders, Kings and King of Kings, to maintain the sovereignty of The State of Ethiopia as well as their ruling over the population, were much enthusiastic when they subdue a rival by appeasement, and when necessary with arm fist, by coercion.

On the same token, despite the fact that they were backward rulers on the standard of modern democratic attributes, they had never ever had betrayed the nation (the state of Ethiopia and its people) at any cost. However, what is so unprecedented in Ethiopian very long statehood history is how far the current Tigray People Liberation Front (TPLF) ruling of Ethiopia is so Barbaric, Tribalist, and Racist that uses divide and rule principles to weaken the sovereignty of Ethiopia, as well as to exclude major stakeholders of the country from socio-political participations since the formation of the so-called TPLF lead Transitional Government in 1991.

When it comes to the formation of the then TPLF transitional government in 1991, it was 100% Ambassador Herman Cohen single handily arranged the transitional process as well as the King maker, OLF, and gave a green light to TPLF to control the whole of Ethiopia without including any genuine representative who cares for Ethiopia and its people. Then, racist TPLF implement a new form of Domestic Colonialism by excluding and exterminating the Amhara ethnic societies from the process. OLF, as TPLF key partner, had also played its vital role in the Amhara ethnic exterminating process.

Most noticeably when top USA diplomats such as: Ambassador David Shinn, Ambassador Herman Cohen and many others officially had said to public media outlets “we prioritized American Security Interest in the region than Ethiopian Democratization agenda” is rubbing salt to the existing wounds.

The key moral and political question here is: If freedom, democracy, peace and good governance are good for Americans and Europeans, who said that these are not good for Ethiopians and other people suffering under dictatorship who are supported by them?

As a result of these devious USA foreign policy, for the last 23 very long miserable years of TPLF South African style Apartheid ruling, Ethiopians and Ethiopian-born in the Diaspora had shouted out loud the grievance of their/our people at home to different levels of the USA governmental offices and representatives as well as to the big cities of Europeans. Nonetheless, as their priority is their National Interest no one had lend their ears for a moment and avert the killing of innocent people by TPLF’s heavily armed tribal and racist group and its cronies. This killing is currently evolved and transformed into a kind of IS (Islamic State) style, in which the Ethiopian people is calling it now Tigray State (TS). Apparently, whenever TPLF’s every five year election schedules is coming: the killing, the imprisonment, the harassment, and the disappearance are intensified more miserably. The difference between IS and TS is that IS is a terrorist sect against a given gov & another religion while TS is a terrorists government against the Ethiopian people.

TPLF (TS) has no any political party platform or religion that enables it to contest peacefully and democratically with secular political parties in Ethiopia. Even, it does not respect its own rules and constitution either. If there was a time that it had tried, in relative semi-peaceful manner in May 2005, the ‘Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD – Kinijit)’ had won the election with a grand slide victory in all cities of the country including ruler areas in which TPLF was ashamed and left naked in public and in front of different diplomatic representatives and its aid donors.

In the event, when the election results were officially appearing and was against Meles and his tribalist and racist TPLF, in a BBC interview the panicked Meles had slipped and confessed by saying “we miscalculated . . . .” Meaning, allowing political parties to contest in a semi-peaceful manner was a miscalculation scenarios made by him and his cronies. Because, Meles knew from the outset that TPLF can’t win and won’t win in the future in any peaceful and democratic election with its tribalist and racist policy in Ethiopia either.

The sad story is that, although the European election observers had spoken loudly and clearly that Meles shall respect the will of the people which was already decided in the Ballot Box, Jimmy Carter and his team as well as the American Ambassador to Ethiopia stands out to support the defeated racist Meles/TPLF by prioritized American Security Interest in a shameful manner and consequentially did nothing to restrain the regime from rampant killing and vote rigging/stealing as well as the incarceration of elected TOP CUD members, activists, journalists, human rights advocates and the wider concerned Ethiopians.

Consequently, this had officially shut down the small window opportunities that had opened in a miscalculated manner. In fact, TPLF leaders had publically and blatantly declared that “- – – those who opposed the new power order have only to do what TPLF did, that is, go to the bush, start the war, and become a victorious army.”

So, until then, the victorious army of TPLF has the absolute power to kill, annex neighboring regions land and forcefully vacated their villages to elements of the new power order members. Due to this racist policy genocide is going on since TPLF controlled the whole of Ethiopia in 1991.

They bellow differences and aggravate insignificant minor issues to ignite clashes and create suspicion and hatred among the innocent civilians who used to live for many centuries. Millions have been forced to leave their livelihood because they were denied to live in that area. As a result, within the last five years alone, more than 3 million Amhara ethnic groups were vacated from their belonging by TPLF army and its cronies from South and South Western of Ethiopia.

While the killing is a very clear way of genocide, injecting medicines (sterilization) to prospective future mothers in the name of family planning had severely depopulated the Amhara ethnic group to the level of heart breaking sadness. Today’s TPLF minister of Foreign Affair Dr Tedros Adahnom, while he was Health minister, had carried out this tragic crime against humanity. Consequently, for the last continues 10 years, there were no enough number of kindergarten and elementary students in the big cities as well as in the rural areas of the Amhara region due to the chance of fertility had dropped by 80% since Dr Tedros Adahnom implemented the depopulation plan of ethnic Amhara societies.

As a matter of facts, while the Ethiopian Population growth increase from 70 million to 90 million within the last 23 years of TPLF ethnic ruling, the Amara population had rather dropped down by 10 million, from 27 Million to 17 million based on the previous census data conducted by the previous government. In fact, TPLF long-time chairman Sibihat Nega had many times spoken in public that “The Amhara and its Orthodox Church are reduced to ashes and can’t revive any more in Ethiopian.” Meaning, there is no any other ample evidence more than this crime of genocide.

TPLF’s leaders and its army generals as well as their special force called Agazi are deliberately committing genocide against our brothers in: Gambella, Afar, the South and as well as in West part of Ethiopia targeting strong Ethiopians who have no any interest to be an instruments to TPLF ethnic politics. Our Gambella families are forced to vacate their ancestral land to TPLF’s army generals and to those who can pay money to TPLF.

While TPLF does not represent 5% of the Ethiopian population, it does continue controlling 75 % the national economy with its owned more than 90 mega companies nationwide; established illicitly taking the money from the National Bank of Ethiopia. Among the 101 very high top military generals, all the 98 are from TPLF ethnic group while the foot soldiers that die here and there are from other ethnic groups.

TPLF generals and secret offices kidnapped many Ethiopian refugees from Djibouti, Kenya, The Sudan, South Sudan, Somalia, and Yemen and most of these were thrown to suffer in dark cells, while many of them have been maliciously tortured to death.

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When it comes to the Ethio-Eritrean issue, the 1998 – 2000 conflicts alone had resulted the killing of 120 thousand innocent Ethiopians, and still boiling to spile again at any time when TPLF’s leaders need to divert attention against itself. As a conclusion, both situations are showing that a real socio-political crisis is looming in East Africa, Ethiopia if USA and major western donor counties don’t avert it before it is too late!!

 

Source :- https://ketsela321.wordpress.com/2016/02/12/a-call-to-president-obama-major-g20-member-countries-and-united-nations-un/

The Protest in Oromia: The Need for Urgent Unified Action!

 

by Tarik Michael Tobias

It has been more than three months now since the protest in the region of Oromia begun. Its main cause is the proposed master plan to expand the city of Addis Ababa. Our fellow brothers and sisters are protesting against this master plan because the intention is not really to expand Addis but to take away their land, which has been passed on from one generation to the next, and give it to members and supporters of the ruling party. Meanwhile the original owners of the land would be hired as guards on the properties built by TPLF’s members or even worse, they would be begging as they have no other means of income anymore. The Oromo people, therefore, chose to defend their lands by paying with their dear lives. Over two hundred people were killed by government soldiers so far and yet the protest continues. The young daughters of these farmers would be forced to quit their education and involve in prostitution in order to survive. Therefore, the implication of land grabbing is not only economical but also has serious consequences socially as well.Anger In Ethiopia As The Youth Seek Change In Government

This is not a new phenomenon as the ruling party has been displacing Ethiopians from their lands for the past several years. For instance, the TPLF has given numerous foreign businesses and its own members and supporters massive amount of land in Gambela by forcefully displacing Ethiopians from their land that served as their sole source of bread and butter. This has been documented by a number of international rights organizations and media such as the BBC.

The root cause of the problem is the political system in Ethiopia. The TPLF, since its inception, had no Ethiopian agenda. It was anti-Ethiopia then and has remained to this day. It does not have the ability, capability or the will to bring about democratic system in the country and for this reason; the political, economical and social problems of Ethiopia will further be complicated the longer this dictatorial government stays in power. In addition, the government is also purposely working to create ethnic conflict in Ethiopia by preaching ethnic politics in order to extend its power. The ruling party’s sole objective is simply to use Ethiopia as a private company and milk as much money as it can until it will be forced to relinquish power.

The ruling party is also currently dealing with Sudan to give away large amount of land bordering Sudan and Ethiopia. The idea behind this deal is to encourage Sudan not to help Ethiopian opposition forces that have raised arms against the regime. As a result, Ethiopians living in that area are engaged in a continuous fight with the Sudanese military at the same time with TPLF’s soldiers that are killing them siding with the Sudanese forces. This is unheard of as the fundamental responsibility of any government in the world is to stand up for the interests of its people. However, Ethiopians are unfortunate to have a mercenary group such as the TPLF imposed on them.

Ethiopian opposition parties have talked about the evil nature and its evil deeds of the ruling party for the past twenty five years while the TPLF comfortably continued to kill, jail and intimidate Ethiopians. It is high time now for all genuine opposition groups to come together and devise a strategy to bring an end to this monstrous regime.

The protest in the region of Oromia is crying for a leadership. Opposition parties should stand with our brothers and sisters and prove what they preach in practical terms. There is no better time than now to stand in unity and say no to injustice and tyranny.

There is simply no other means but to unite under common goal to get rid of the dictatorial regime. Ethiopia is running out of time. The situation in the country is black and white. It is a matter of choosing disintegration and mayhem or unity and peace. Let us focus on our priority which is getting rid of TPLF and building a unified, strong and democratic Ethiopia. All other problems and challenges could be addressed under a democratic system.

UNITY IS STRENGTH !!

Tarik Michael Tobias (Lidya), February, 2015